Role of the Political Parties and the Military in China

Role of the Political Parties and the Military in China Sun Yat-sens views On The Role Of The Political Parties And The Military In China To what extent were Sun Yat-sens views on the role of the political parties and the military in China simply copied from the Soviet Union? The ideas of Sun Yat-sen have been crucial to the development of China in the twentieth century. Often referred to as the father of the nation (Mackerras 1998, p23), Sun Yat-sen was the instigator of the revolution that overthrew the monarchy in China and later formed the basis of the ideology within the Nationalist Party. Certainly following the 1911 revolution Sun Yat-sen developed links with the Communist Party in Russia and continued to forge close links with Russia for more than a decade, yet much of this was in a pragmatic attempt to gain aid and support from the Soviet government, rather than inspired by the policies of the Soviet state. Some of his views were influenced by the Soviet Union, yet to states that his ideas were simply copied from the Soviet Union would be an exaggeration. Sun Yat-sen was widely travelled and educated his ideas came from a variety of sources and his aims were to develop principles specific to China rather than to attempt to implement a political system from another nation and another culture. In his later years, Soviet advisers did gain a greater influence over SunYat-sen but it would be fairer to say that he took on board ideas that he felt suited his cause, rather than simply copied them. Born to a poor family near Canton, Sun Yat-sen was largely educated in Hawaii. As a young man he was certainly at home as much abroad as in China and was comfortable conversing in English (Fitzgerald 1971, p24). Having learnt of the power and development of the West, he quickly became convinced of the corruption of the Manchu dynasty and made up his mind that only revolutionary change could save China. He was willing to engage radical ideas that had been impressed upon him by Western democracies. He saw a republic as favourable as monarchies had gone out of fashion in Europe and was impressed by the relative success of democracy in the more advanced Western nations. Su Yat-sens earliest revolutionary ideas preceded the Soviet Union, and his much of his early thinking was done abroad. He spent time in Britain, collating ideas in the reading room of the British library and seeking out a variety of sources. Schiffrin reports that: Sun wasted no moments in gaieties; he was forever at work, reading books on all subjects which appertained to political, diplomatic, legal, military and naval matters; mines and mining, agriculture, cattle rearing, engineering, political economy etc; occupied his attention and were studied closely and persistently. The range of his opportunities for acquiring knowledge has been such as few men have ever had (Schiffrin 1968, p134). As early as 1897, Sun Yat-sen came into contact with Russian revolutionaries, meeting on several occasions in London with Felix Volhovsky, the editor of the English Society of Friends of Russian Freedom. The basis of Sun Yat-sens political philosophy is his Three Peoples Principles which detailed his ideal of a government that would serve the people of China. The principles were named nationalism, democracy and the peoples livelihood and were devised by SunYat-sen with the aim of restoring the nation as a powerful and successful democracy. Throughout his political life he came into contact with Russian revolutionaries and certainly at different stages they have contributed to his basic principles. Russian influence was notable not only to SunYat-sen but to many education Chinese, particularly in the period following the 4th May uprising in 1919. This period saw the beginnings of nationalism in China, with many in the country becoming increasingly angered at the corrupt minister that they saw as having sold the country to Japan (Fitzgerald 1971, p24). The educated class in China gradually came to realise the state of the nation both internally and on the international stage and thus look abroad for ideas on how to make the nation strong again. Fitzgerald writes of this period Nationalism as opposed to Republican idealism, was born. he new enthusiasts did not much care what form it took as long as it did something to restore China (Fitzgerald 1971, p41). The Russian Revolution was an appealing alternative to young Chinese. Many were nationalists, and if some were lacking in understanding of communism, many others were attracted intellectually to the doctrines of Marx and Lenin. Above all else, many, and this undoubtedly includes Sun Yat-sen, were highly impressed by the transformation of Russia from a decaying monarchy to a socialist republic. It was apparent that other foreign powers were unable to stop the Russian revolution and feared the new Soviet state this strength on the world stage was also appealing to Chinese nationalists. Sun Yat-sen who had been living in Shanghai at the time was one of many Chinese who admired the Revolution and had few qualms about the violent means to carry it out; in China the idea of woe to the conquered was a fact of political life (Fitzgerald 1971, p46). In examining the influence of the Soviet Union over Sun Yat-sens thinking, one has to appreciate that as a revolutionary and a socialist, it is only natural that he would have an interest in Soviet Russia. The Russian Revolution was one of the major political developments of his age and Soviet policies on political parties and the military would have been of interest to any revolutionary thinker at the time. Between 1920 and 1922 he was actively courted by emissaries from Russia and representatives from Comintern. Wilbur writes that Sun Yat-sen remained keen to be kept informed of developments in the Soviet Union and suggests that he showed much sympathy for the Russian Revolution, and his words suggest that he made a psychological identification between the Russian Revolution and his own efforts, and between himself and Lenin (Wilbur 1976, p112). As early as 1918, Sun Yat-sen had telegraphed Lenin on behalf of the South China Parliament and the Chinese Revolutionary Party, congratulating him on the ongoing struggle in Russia and expressing the hope that the Soviet and Chinese parties might one day join forces in a common struggle. At this stage, his words have to be seen as a gesture of comradeship rather than an expression of any serious intent the chaotic state of Russia at the time would have given Sun little basis for ideas on political and military organisation. An American journalist, George Sokolsky, became a part of Sun Yat-sens entourage in Shanghai in early 1919 and facilitated discussion around possible military cooperation. However, Suns position in terms of the military differed at the tame from that of the Soviets the Russian wanted an end to seemingly endless fighting whilst SunYat-sen remained, in the words of a Russian colonel an old-fashioned militarist who saw no way of saving his country except through arms (Wilbur 1976, p116). In years to come, the Soviets would consistently attempt to covert Sun Yat-sen from his reliance on military force to achieve political goals. The period 1920-22 saw Sun Yat-sen eager to win financial aid from other nations. As a result he made some form of contact with practically all of the major power the USA, Great Britain, France, Japan and Germany. As much as there was a warm relationship with Russia, it is likely that SunYat-sen would have happily taken aid from other powers had it been available. His correspondence and talks with Soviet envoy Adolf Joffe give some idea as to the somewhat confused nature of Suns relationship with the Soviets. Whilst stating to Joffe that the Soviet system was not suitable for China, Sun Yat-sen allowed Joffes influence to help regulate the roles of the Communist and Nationalist parties in preparation for the coming revolution. In 1923, he agreed to communists joining the Nationalist Party as individuals and it was advisors such as Joffe who helped Sun Yat-sen to organise his armies and free himself from the dominance of Chinese warlords (Fitzgerald 1971, p47). A joint statement issu ed with Joffe had been unequivocal on the issue of the political system that SunYat-sen was aiming for and summarises accurately his ideas about any future relationship that China would have with the Soviets.. It stated: Dr SunYat-sen holds that the Communistic order or even the Soviet system cannot actually be introduced into China, because there do not exist here the conditions for the successful establishment of either communism of Sovietism. This view is shared entirely by Dr Joffe, who is further of the opinion that Chinas paramount and most pressing problem is to achieve national unification and attain full national independence, and regarding this task, he has assured Dr SunYat-sen that China has the warmest sympathy of the Russian people and can count ton the support of Russia (Wilbur 1976, p137). SunYat-sens priorities at the beginning of the 1920s were simply to build a peaceful, united China operating within some form of constitutional order. He believed that foreign aid was vital for him to do this and utilise a number of tactics to do this. He wrote to foreign heads of state, had allies abroad campaign on his behalf and used military, economic and diplomatic strategies to try and achieve his goals. In terms of military aid and advice, he attempted to arrange for military advisers from Russia, amongst other nations. His correspondence with Joffe led to a reorganisation of Suns Kuomintang Party. Whilst the Communist Party had advocated a revolutionary alliance with the Kuomintang, Sun rejected this idea, insisting instead that all Chinese revolutionaries join his organisation. By October 1922,Sun had inducted some Communist Party leaders into his party, and appointed their lead, Chen Tu-hsiu as a member of a nine man committee to plan for the reorganisation of the party (Wilbur 1976, p131). 1923 saw Sun Yat-sen established in Canton, attempting to build up his power base. It was the arrival of Michael Borodin in this period that began the most concerted period of Soviet influence of Sun Yat-sens ideas. Borodins role was to act as Soviet Russias instrument through which aid and guidance should be given to the revolutionary movement and it was he who instigated the reorganisation of the Kuomintang along Bolshevist lines. Borodin took little time in outlining his plans for a reorganisation of the Kuomintang, based around creating a provisional national committee of twenty-one under the chairmanship of SunYat-sen and consisting of the most prominent members of the Kuomintang, the Communist Party, the Socialist Youth Corps and workers unions. Sun Yat-sen took some of Borodins ideas on board and he began to plan a reorganisation of the Kuomintang. He appointed a nine-man Provisional Central Executive Committee to draft a new party platform and constitution and to prepare for the partys first national congress, appointing Borodin as an adviser to the committee. Sun Yat-sen made it clear to his own followers, that whilst following some of the advice from the Soviets over party organisation, he would not blindly follow them. He stated, The present reorganisation should preserve our partys original à ©lan but adopt the Soviet Russian organisation, thus acquiring its benefits while rejecting its evils. We may merely yoke up Soviet Russia and mount it (Wilbur 1976, p175). A military crisis shortly after Borodins arrival in Canton gave the Russian adviser an opportunity to have some influence over SunYat-sens military policies. His forces in the city were very much on the back foot against LinHus forces, with both army and navy troops deserting. Borodins plan was to play on the nationalism and economic aspirations of the Canton population. He issued decrees promising land to the peasants through the confiscation and distribution of landlord holdings, along with encouraging an eight-hour day and a minimum wage for workers. The plan worked to inspire a greater military effort at the front and the crisis was averted. Shortly afterward, Sun made a speech discussing past party failures and explaining that the ongoing reorganisation was intended to spread the parts influence across all of China and release it from an exclusive dependence on military force this had been very much a soviet idea. Sun Yat-sen, at this particular time, was keen to base his Three Principles of the People on a Soviet model. He stated: Now a good friend, Mr Borodin, has come from Russia.If we hope for victory in revolution, we should study the Russian methods of organisation and training (Wilbur 1976, p179). Sun argued the Soviet position that Communism had been chosen by the Russian people and that nationalism and popular support had enable it to defeat both internal enemies and external powers. His view was that that the Russian people were no longer the salves of foreign powers and that Chinas revolution had failed to succeeded to date as it had not fully embraced nationalism in either its party organisation or within the military. There was some opposition to what was seen by some as too much dependence on Soviet ideas on party organisation by Sun Yat-sen, yet1923 was the year when Soviet ideas held the most influence over Sun. In speeches he praised the discipline of Soviet party organisation and spoke positively on how a united party could take the movement away from such a dependence on armed force. Nonetheless, leaders with the Kuomintang remained concerned at the influence of the Communist International and the policies of admitting communists and allying with Soviet Russia. Petitions to SunYat-sen however met simply with denial of allegations and assurances about the Soviets. Sun increasingly had begun to argue the point that there was little difference between his Principles of Peoples Livelihood and Communism. The first National Congress of the Kuomintang met in Canton in January 1924 and confirmed a plan of party reorganisation based largely along the lines of Borodins advice. A new leadership was established to create a mass party with a wider influence across China. Sun Yat-sen saw his name written into the constitution as leader, with power of veto. Sun again spoke glowingly of the Soviet system, stating that its system of placing party above government was the most modern in the world (Wilbur 1976,p191). Speeches given by SunYat-sen in 1924 formed the basis for what is understood as his basic philosophy, contained in his Three Principles. The lectures were largely based around his ideas on nationalism and give the clearest indication as to the effect that Soviet ideas had on his thinking in the latter years of his life. He saw the military future as one not of wars between races but between social classes or of oppressed against oppressor. He also talked more openly of empire and of recovering some of Chinas territorial losses to other colonial powers. He spoke of the military dangers caused by Chinas small military capability. He argued that Japan would be able to conquer China within two weeks, the United States within a month. Sun also move away from his earlier democratic tendencies in his later speeches, suggested that the Soviet style dictatorship of the people was the most effective form of government. Borodins influence on SunYat-sens lectures was clear, as was some of the ideas in terms of the military taken on board by Sun whilst Borodin was based in Canton. One of the roles of Borodins team was to establish a Kuomintang military academy, to be assisted with Russian advice and funds. The idea behind the Whampoa Military Academy was to produce, Soviet style, a politically indoctrinated and reliable corps of junior officers to form the basis for an army first and foremost loyal to the party. Russian officers instructed at the academy and Suns military capability was further enhanced in October 1924 by the arrival of a shipment of Russian arms, including several thousand rifles and ammunition, accompanied by a further nine Russian officers to continue training at the military academy. Sun Yat-sen was not a confirmed Marxist and differed from the Soviet Union in this respect. He was never of the belief that Marxism could genuinely work in China. In other areas however, in particular party organisation, he was undoubtedly attracted to Soviet ideas Above all else Sun was a patriot who most of all wanted to make his nation great again. He saw the Soviet as a good example for China to follow through revolution and the embracing of nationalism, a nation that had suffered under corrupt rule and at the hands of established colonial powers could once again reassert itself. The Soviet Union was also an ally. Whilst Sun Yat-sen may well have allied closer to other nations who offered help, the fact is that it was the Soviet Union that offered help to him and his movement. Sun Yat-sen was educated enough to form his own opinions about the best methods of party and military organisation. He may have come under some pressure from the likes of Joffe and Borodin to adopt Soviet methods but the Soviet ideas that he use were ones that he genuinely believed would best help his cause. In many ways, SunYat-sen was a pragmatist he used the Soviet Union for his own benefit and would have acted similarly with other allies. Others within his party had concerns about the way he was influenced by Soviet ideas, but Sun was making a active choice to take on board these ideas he was not simply copying them Bibliography Esterer Arnulf Esterer Louise, Sun Yat-sen Chinas Great Champion, Julian Messner, New York 1970 Fitzgerald CP, Communism Takes China How the Revolution went Red, American Heritage Press, New York 1971 Gray Jack, Rebellions and Revolutions, China from the 1800s to 2000, Oxford University Press, Oxford 2002 Mackerras Colin, China in Transformation 1900-1949, Addison Wesley Longman Ltd, Harlow 1998 Wilbur Martin, Sun Yat-sen Frustrated Patriot, Columbia University Press, New York 1976 Schiffrin Harold, Sun Yat-sen and the Origins of the Chinese Revolution, University of California Press, California 1968

Free Hamlet Essays: The Message of Hamlet :: GCSE English Literature Coursework

The Message of Hamlet Hamlet shows a lot of sadness and also contemplates suicide. He is very confused with his feelings and his depression has brought down his spirits, but Hamlet uses a mask of pride to hide all of this from the naked eye. The many event’s which have occurred, has made thinking straight for Hamlet difficult. His plans of avenging his fathers death are unraveling beforehis eyes; and he is not in the right state of mind to fix things. Hamlet may be very proud; but it is obvious he is very depressed and confused with life; "O God, God, How weary, stale, flat, and unprofitable seem to me all the uses of this world!" (I; ii; 32-34) First of all, Hamlet comes home to a dead father and the re-marriage of his mother to his uncle, Claudius; "We pray you throw to earth This unprevailing woe, and think of us as a father, for let the world take note you are the most immediate to our throne." (I; ii, 106-109) All of this has been a huge negative shock to Hamlet. He does not understand the event’s which have taken place. Hamlet’s mother re-marring makes mourning his father’s death all the more difficult. He does not understand why his mother would re-marry so soon after the death of her husband; especially the fact that it’s to his uncle, Claudius. All of this has caused a lot of anger and sadness inside of Hamlet. All of his feelings have become unbearable and bottled up. He begins to lose control of his life. It has also caused him to feel a lot of hatred towards his mother. He also feels hatred towards Claudius and blames him, for their marriage. Hamlet’s hatred does not stop with his mother and Claudius; he begins to see women as less due to his mothers’ actions. When Hamlet thought things could not get any worse, the ghost of his father appears, revealing his murderer; "The serpent that did sting thy father’s life now wears his crown" (I; v; 39-40) Hamlet was not at all surprised to find that his father’s murderer was his own uncle; "O my prophetic soul!" (I; v; 41) Although Hamlet and two others saw the ghost with their own eyes, Hamlet was still reluctant to believing. Hamlet was the only one to hear the words of his father’s ghost.

Marketing Mix Netflix Essay

Marketing is a very complex concept that involves a detailed process. The types of strategies for marketing focus on a target audience and are directly related to what is known as the 4 P’s of the Marketing Mix. The Marketing Mix has been defined by many as the controllable variables a company puts together to satisfy its target market†¦ If any parts of a Marketing Mix get out of balance, the target market will be insufficiently served. This model of the Marketing Mix was first introduced by Neil Borden when he published his 1964 article, â€Å"The Concept of the Marketing Mix.† Borden had first started using the phrase in 1949 and claimed that it came to him while reading a book by James Culliton on the activities of a business executive (netmba.com, 2009). The 4 P’s that the Marketing Mix consists of are product, place, promotion, and price. The term product refers to tangible, physical products, as well as to services. A lot of thought and preliminary research goes into the type of product a company will manufacture, including product specifications, design, and production of the unit. The biggest concern for a business is that they are able to introduce their product at the appropriate time, when the consumer’s needs are greatest. A product will generally go through a life cycle, much like a human life cycle, consisting of four different stages: introduction, growth, maturity, and decline. After the developmental period, a product is introduced or launched into the market. At this stage, the need for immediate profit is not a pressure; the product is promoted to create awareness. In the growth stage, competitors are attracted into the market with very similar offerings. Products become more profitable and companies may form alliances, joint ventures, or take each other over. The money spent on advertising is high and its focus is on building brand recognition. In the maturity stage, sales will grow at a decreasing rate and then stabilize. Producers will try to differentiate products and brands, while price wars and intense competition will occur. At the decline stage, there is a downturn in the market where there is intense price-cutting and many more products are withdrawn from the market. Profits can be improved by reducing the amount spent on marketing and product promotion. However, very few products follow such a prescriptive cycle. The length of each stage  varies enormously and not all products will go through all stages (Lamb, Hair, & McDaniel, 2005). Place represents the location where a product can be purchased. It is often referred to as the distribution channel. It can include any physical store as well as virtual stores on the Internet. Place is also an important part of marketing. The product or service needs to be accessible to customers, especially its target market. Often times there are no need for an actual store location, as many very successful companies offer just online services or products. In these instances, products or services are much more convenient and cheaper to the customer because of the lower overhead costs. Promotion represents all of the communications that a marketer may insert into the marketplace. This can include TV, radio, and print advertising, as well as coupons, direct mail, billboards, and online advertising. Often times we think of marketing as just the promotion or sales part, but the other 3 factors are often times just as important, if not more important. Promotion is the advertising of the actual product or service. One must consider who the audience is and what the best way is to target them. This could include television advertisements, radio advertisements, mailing and so on. There is no one best way to advertise, it really depends on the product and its audience. This is a very important aspect of marketing, and often times a good or bad promotional campaign can make or break a product or service (Perreault, Jr. & McCarthy,2005). The final P in the marketing mix is Pricing, which is the most difficult element to determine. A Company’s requirement for net income and its objectives for long-term market control mostly influence a pricing strategy. In addition to the primary goal of making money, a company can have many different pricing objectives and strategies. Larger companies may utilize product pricing in a predatory or defensive fashion, to attack or defend against a competitor. If a product is of premium quality and has unique features and benefits, a premium price may be necessary to reinforce the premium brand image. High prices confirm perceptions of high values in consumer minds. A good pricing strategy will also indicate guidelines for  action in the case of price increases or decreases (managementhelp.com, 2009). A company may want to consider temporarily delaying necessary price increases driven by supplier and ingredient price increases, and instead, take affordable, smaller profit margins. If competitors are increasing prices and one company decided not to, this could be a temporary advantage for that company since sales volume may increase. To set the best price for a product, a company will need to review the essentials of their business with an eye as to how they will affect price. A company must know their customer base, because the better a company understands the wants, needs, beliefs, and values of its’ customers, the easier it will be to accurately price their product. A company will then need to assess their competition and see how their product relates to those similar offerings. Next, a company will need to determine their production costs and develop a marketing plan, both for short and long-term. Distribution costs must be factored into the final price of the product, as well. Once these elements are considered, a pricing strategy can be more easily determined. One very successful company that utilizes the 4 Ps of marketing extremely well is Netflix. The company almost singlehandedly brought its competitors to their knees. These companies, including Blockbuster have since recovered and began offering a similar service, but Netflix had the marketing plan in place and rolled it out so efficiently that it really caught its competitors by surprise. Netflix is a little tricky when it comes to the product. It offers the service of movie rentals, but in a more convenient way than the traditional movie rental stores such as Blockbuster or Hollywood Video. In 1999, Netflix came up with an online movie subscription with no late fees. This gave people the convenience of receiving the movies they wanted to see right in their mailbox. No longer did you have to search through the isle for a movie that was already rented out. Netflix does not offer a place where a customer can come pickup his or her  order, instead everything gets conveniently shipped to each customer via United States Postal Service. This makes it convenient for just about anyone to use because there does not have to be a local store or shipping location around. Customers are able to place orders right online, which is a convenient and private way to pick the DVDs that they desire to view. The promotion of Netflix was primarily done through television advertisements. They targeted television watchers, who for the most part also watch movies. Their catchy marketing claimed â€Å"No Due Dates and No late Fees,† which was very appealing to consumers who were tired of paying late fees with their current movie rental stores (Netflix, 2009). It also offered the convenience of â€Å"No shipping or handling charges,† which made it just as competitive as the other places. The prices that Netflix charges its customers are very competitive to the current market of DVD rentals. They have different options to suit different needs. According to their website, they have a plan starting as low as only $4.99 per month. This plan allows viewing of up to 5 movies. For customers who want to watch more movies per month, they offer other plans also, such as the $17.99 a month plan that allows 3 movies to be out at a time. Once one movie is returned, another is sent out in its place. These different plans offer a wide variety of choices to fit different budgets. Marketing is an important element for any business. By analyzing the four Ps of product, price, place, and promotion, an organization can achieve a successful marketing campaign. Whether the business is a small mom and pop organization or a major corporation, marketing can play an important role in its success. Understanding the marketing mix will put an organization on the road toward success and profitability. References http://www.netmba.com/marketing/mix/. Retrieved June 8, 2009. http://www.managementhelp.org/mrktng/pricing/pricing.htm. Retrieved June 5, 2009. Lamb, Charles W., Hair, Joseph F., & McDaniel, Carl. (2005). Essentials of Marketing (4th ed.). Mason, Ohio: South-Western. Perreault, Jr., William D., & McCarthy, E. Jerome. (2005). Basic Marketing (15th ed.). New York: McGraw-Hill, Irwin. http://ir.netflix.com/. Retrieved June 6, 2009.

The French Revolution Pre-Revolutionary France

In 1789, the French Revolution began a transformation of far more than just France, but Europe and then the world. It was the pre-revolutionary makeup of France that held the seeds of the circumstances for revolution, and affected how it was begun, developed, and—depending on what you believe—ended. Certainly, when the Third Estate and their growing followers swept away centuries of dynastic political tradition, it was the structure of France they were attacking as much as its principles. The Country Pre-revolutionary France was a jigsaw of lands which had been haphazardly aggregated over the preceding centuries, the different laws and institutions of each new addition often kept intact. The latest addition was the island of Corsica, coming into the French crowns possession in 1768. By 1789, France comprised an estimated 28 million people and was divided into provinces of vastly varying size, from the huge Brittany to the tiny Foix. Geography varied greatly from mountainous regions to rolling plains. The nation was also divided into 36 generalities for administrative purposes and these, again, varied in size and shape to both each other and the provinces. There were further subdivisions for each level of the church. Laws also varied. There were thirteen sovereign courts of appeal whose jurisdiction unevenly covered the whole country: the Paris court covered a third of France, the Pav court just its own tiny province. Further confusion arose with the absence of any universal law beyond that of royal decrees. Instead, the precise codes and rules varied across France, with the Paris region mainly using customary law and the south a written code. Lawyers who specialized in handling the many different layers flourished. Each region also had its own weights and measures, tax, customs, and laws. These divisions and differences were continued at the level of every town and village. Rural and Urban France was still essentially a feudal nation with lords, due to a range of ancient and modern rights from their peasants who comprised about 80% of the population and the majority lived in rural contexts. France was a predominantly agricultural nation, even though this agriculture was low in productivity, wasteful, and using out of date methods. An attempt to introduce modern techniques from Britain had not succeeded. Inheritance laws, whereby estates were divided up among all the heirs, had left France divided into many tiny farms; even the large estates were small when compared to other European nations. The only major region of large-scale farming was around Paris, where the always hungry capital city provided a convenient market. Harvests were critical but fluctuating, causing famine, high prices, and riots. The remaining 20% of France lived in urban areas, although there were only eight cities with a population in excess of 50,000 people. These were home to guilds, workshops, and industry, with workers often traveling from rural areas to urban ones in search of seasonal or permanent work. Death rates were high. Ports with access to overseas trade flourished, but this maritime capital didnt penetrate far into the rest of France. Society France was governed by a king who was believed to be appointed by the grace of God; in 1789, this was Louis XVI, crowned on the death of his grandfather Louis XV on May 10, 1774. Ten thousand people worked in his main palace at Versailles, and 5% of his income was spent supporting it. The rest of French society considered itself divided into three groups: the estates. The First Estate was the clergy, who numbered around 130,000 people, owned a tenth of the land, and were due tithes, religious donations of of one-tenth of income from every single person, although the practical applications varied hugely. Clergy were immune from tax and frequently drawn from noble families. They were all part of the Catholic Church, the only official religion in France. Despite strong pockets of Protestantism, over 97% of the French population considered themselves Catholic. The Second Estate was the nobility, numbering around 120,000 people. The nobility were made up of people born into noble families, as well as those who obtained highly sought after government offices that conferred noble status. Nobles were privileged, didnt work, had special courts and tax exemptions, owned the leading positions in court and society—almost all of Louis XIVs ministers were noble—and were even allowed a different, quicker, method of execution. Although some were enormously rich, many were no better off than the lowest of the French middle classes, possessing little more than a strong lineage and some feudal dues. The remainder of France, over 99%, formed the Third Estate. The majority were peasants who lived in near poverty, but around two million were the middle classes: the bourgeoisie. These had doubled in number between the years of Louis XIV (r. 1643–1715) and XVI (r. 1754–1792) and owned around a quarter of French land. The common development of a bourgeoisie family was for one to make a fortune in business or trade and then plow that money into land and education for their children, who joined professions, abandoned the old business and lived their lives in comfortable, but not excessive existences, passing their offices down to their own children. One notable revolutionary, Maximilien Robespierre (1758–1794), was a third-generation lawyer. One key aspect of bourgeois existence was venal offices, positions of power and wealth within the royal administration which could be purchased and inherited: the entire legal system was comprised of purchasable offices. Demand for these was high and the costs rose ever higher. France and Europe By the late 1780s, France was one of the worlds great nations. A military reputation which had suffered during the Seven Years War had been partly salvaged thanks to Frances critical contribution in defeating Britain during the American Revolutionary War, and their diplomacy was highly regarded, having avoided war in Europe during the same conflict. However, it was with culture that France dominated. With the exception of England, the upper classes across Europe copied French architecture, furniture, fashion, and more while the main language of royal courts and the educated was French. Journals and pamphlets produced in France were disseminated across Europe, allowing the elites of other nations to read and quickly understand the literature of the French Revolution. By the lead-up to the revolution, a European backlash against this French domination had already begun, with groups of writers arguing that their own national languages and cultures should be pursued instead. Those changes would not occur until the next century. Sources and Further Reading Schama, Simon. Citizens. New York: Random House, 1989.  Fremont-Barnes, Gregory. The French Revolutionary Wars. Oxford UK: Osprey Publishing, 2001.  Doyle, William. The Oxford History of the French Revolution. 3rd ed. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2018.